MANILA, May 5 (Xinhua) -- The 2010 General Elections of the Philippines are scheduled to be held on May 10, in which a new president, vice president, 12 senators, 287 members of the House of Representatives as well as some 17,000 local officials will be elected by some 50 million voters.
As the upcoming elections will bring major changes to official posts throughout this southeast Asian country, the 2010 General Elections are attracting attention from both inside the Philippines and the international community.
ANTI-CORRUPTION, ELIMINATION OF POVERTY
Major presidential candidates include Benigno Simeon "Noynoy" Cojuangco Aquino III from the Liberal Party, Manuel "Manny" Bamba Villar Jr. from the Nacionalista Party, ex-president Joseph "ERAP" Estrada from the Force of the Filipino Masses party, as well as other candidates from various political parties.
Born in 1960, Aquino III is the only son of the late senator Benigno Servillano "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. and late ex-president Maria Corazon "Cory" Sumulong Cojuangco Aquino. Graduated from Ateneo de Manila University with a Bachelor of Arts degree in economics in 1981, Aquino III was elected to the House of Representatives in 1998, and was elected to the Senate in 2007. Within the Liberal Party, Aquino III has been holding the Vice-Chairman position since March 2006.
Aquino III believes that corruption and poverty are the main reasons for the Filipino people to lack in trust with their government, and pledges that if elected, he will be committed to fighting corruption, eliminating poverty, promoting economy and employment, improving education and healthcare standards and so on.
Villar was born in 1949 to a government employee father and a seafood dealer mother. In his early years as a working student, he graduated from the University of the Philippines with a master of business administration degree. After graduation, he experienced several job changes, later becoming a housing tycoon.
Villar was elected to the House of Representatives in 1992, later becoming Speaker there. He has been a senator since 2001 and served as Senate President from 2006 to 2008. Villar has been president for the Nacionalista Party since 2004.
He believes that extensively existing poverty and social injustice are the main problem the Philippines is faced with, and he pledged that once elected, he will be committed to eliminating poverty, cracking down on corruption, promoting social justice, realizing the economy's self-sufficiency through land reforms, developing local industry, containing environmental damages, improving basic social services such as education, healthcare, housing, etc.
Estrada was elected to the presidency in 1998, and was ousted in 2001 with corruption allegations. His post was assumed by Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who became vice-president in 1998. Estrada was sentenced to life imprisonment for plunder in September 2007 but was pardoned by president Arroyo in October. In the 2004 General Elections, Arroyo was permitted to run for presidency and succeeded, and her presidential term ends on June 30, 2010.
Because Estrada's presidency from 1998 to 2004 was terminated in the middle, he was permitted to run for president again in the 2010 elections. In his opinion, the reason causing poverty and starvation in the Philippines is corruption. He pledges that if elected, he will be committed to cracking down on corruption, addressing secessionist problems in the south and creating safe social environment in order to realize stable growth of the economy, improving agricultural conditions, expanding investment in education, promoting employment, etc.
Under the Philippine Constitution, a presidential term lasts for 6 years and upon completion of that term, the president shall not be eligible for any reelection.
ELECTION-RELATED VIOLENCE
In the Philippines, elections have always been haunted by violence. According to police statistics, 229 election-related violence incidents occurred during the congressional mid-term election in 2007, killing 121 people and injuring 176; 249 election-related violence incidents occurred in the 2004 General Elections, leaving 148 people dead and 261 injured.
Before the 2010 General Elections, election-related violence were still rampant, as the political massacre, in which 57 people were slain, happened in Philippines' southern province of Maguindanao in November 2009. Suspects of the massacre were arrested and are undergoing legal procedures.
In order to crack down on election-related violence, military and police have been imposing an firearm ban throughout the country since Jan. 10, 2010 and have set up some 3,500 checkpoints. Furthermore, since April 15, military and police have been put on a Blue Alert, increasing the number of checkpoints throughout the country and patrolling fully armed in automobiles and motorcycles. On April 30, the Blue Alert was upgraded to the Red Alert, the highest security level, with all military and police personnel on constant stand-by and all passes and leaves cancelled.
However, election-related violence continued repeatedly. Police figures released on April 26 showed that 27 people, including city councilors, village councilors, village leaders and common people, were killed and 37 people were injured between Jan. 10, when election campaigns started, and April 25.
About two weeks ahead of the General Elections this year, a group of protesters tried to stage a rally in front of the presidential palace, the Malacanang, calling for "democracy space". They were met by the police on their way and clashes ensued.
The Philippines became a United States colony in the early 20th century. After gaining independence in the wake of the second World War, the Philippines adopted U.S.-style democracy. However, the country is still infested by clan-politics and election- related violence.
FINANCIAL BASIS FOR CAMPAIGN
In the Philippines, running for president without sufficient financial support will go nowhere. To extensively showcase candidates' bright side to voters, they usually open campaign websites, broadcast their campaign advertisements through TV and radio stations, hire motorcades decorated with campaign-related materials to roam streets, ask supporters to post posters along streets and hand out flyers and publicity items such as rubber bracelets and caps with candidates' names or images.
Before the 2010 General Elections, streets in Manila were filled with campaigning advertisements, and even some trees became publicity platforms--yellow ribbons tied to the branches represent Aguino III, and orange ribbons represent Villar.
Senator Panfilo Lacson, who initially claimed that he would run for president, scrapped his idea last year, saying he was "bowing" to the reality that his "extremely limited resources" were not enough to run a campaign.
In a statement, Lacson said that while "well-meaning friends" had pledged financial support, "the time has come to face the reality that the intent to lead in this land in order to do good, has become an enterprise only for those who have access to unlimited funds."
He said that "poverty, the lack of health services, education and security will not be solved through dole-outs from politicians during election season, which is given away easily because it came from corruption."
WHO'S IN THE LEAD
The Philippines practises direct voting in general elections, and the candidate who secured the biggest amount of votes wins.
Several surveys showed that Aquino III was in the lead, followed by Villar and Estrada, with the latter two candidates having similar support rates.
According to a survey conducted nationwide by Pulse Asia from April 23 to 25, Aquino III enjoyed a support rate of 39 percent, while Villar and Estrada were respectively supported by 20 percent of the respondents, and the fourth candidate, former Secretary of National Defense Gilberto Teodoro Jr. from Lakas Kampi CMD, the ruling party, got 7 percent. None of the other candidates got a support rate higher than 3 percent.
39 percent was the highest that Aquino III secured since the campaign started on Feb. 9.
In another survey conducted by Social Weather Stations from April 16 to 19, Aquino III enjoyed a support rate of 38 percent, 12 percent higher than Villar. The third was Estrada, with 17 percent support rate, followed by Teodoro with a support rate of 9 percent. None of the other candidates had a support rate higher than 2 percent.
Based on this survey, local newspaper the Philippine Daily Inquirer reported that assuming a voter turnout of 77 percent, the turnout in the 2004 presidential election, Aquino III would have won by some 4.7 million votes over Villar had the presidential election been held in the third week of April.
In a news briefing on April 30, the Liberal Party proclaimed that without massive frauds in the upcoming presidential election, Aquino III will be the winner.
news.xinhuanet.com
Wednesday, May 5, 2010
Monday, April 26, 2010
Comelec prepares for manual audit
MANILA, Philippines - The Commission on Elections (Comelec) is preparing for a random manual auditing of elections results, according to Henrietta de Villa, head of the poll body’s committee on random manual audit.
She said part of the plan is the deployment of an additional 3,500 public school teachers to ensure the accuracy of random manual auditing.
De Villa said the committee has recommended the creation of a special board of election inspectors to undertake the manual audit.
The Comelec has rejected calls for a parallel manual canvassing of poll results, saying it is no longer necessary since a random manual audit is enough to do the job.
The Philippine Bar Association (PBA) insisted yesterday that parallel manual counting of votes is not an impossible task for the Comelec.
PBA head and former ombudsman Simeon Marcelo stressed that preparations for manual counts in all precincts for five elective posts could be completed in less than five days.
“Yes, it’s not as simple as buying vinegar in the grocery store. It’s as simple as counting money the way bank tellers do,” he told The STAR in reaction to a statement from Comelec spokesman James Jimenez over the weekend that a manual count was “almost impossible” at this point.
De Villa said she agreed with the Comelec’s position that a parallel manual count would defeat the purpose of automation and would be tantamount to putting together two systems: manual and automated.
She also said the Poll Automation Law does not mention anything about having parallel manual counting.
De Villa, who also chairs the church-based poll watchdog Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting or PPCRV, said the recommendation for the creation of SBEIs is now awaiting Comelec’s approval.
She explained that fatigue had been a very big factor that had affected the accuracy of manual election system in past elections.
“But if we will have the SBEIs instead of the regular BEIs, the teachers will not be very tired and they would exhibit fresh look, fresh minds in conducting the random manual count,” De Villa said.
Last week, the Comelec decided to increase from one to five per legislative district the number of precincts to be subjected to the random audit.
A total of 1,145 clustered precincts will be subjected to random manual audit involving three BEI members. She said the involvement of 3,435 members of the SBEIs would be necessary.
www.philstar.com
She said part of the plan is the deployment of an additional 3,500 public school teachers to ensure the accuracy of random manual auditing.
De Villa said the committee has recommended the creation of a special board of election inspectors to undertake the manual audit.
The Comelec has rejected calls for a parallel manual canvassing of poll results, saying it is no longer necessary since a random manual audit is enough to do the job.
The Philippine Bar Association (PBA) insisted yesterday that parallel manual counting of votes is not an impossible task for the Comelec.
PBA head and former ombudsman Simeon Marcelo stressed that preparations for manual counts in all precincts for five elective posts could be completed in less than five days.
“Yes, it’s not as simple as buying vinegar in the grocery store. It’s as simple as counting money the way bank tellers do,” he told The STAR in reaction to a statement from Comelec spokesman James Jimenez over the weekend that a manual count was “almost impossible” at this point.
De Villa said she agreed with the Comelec’s position that a parallel manual count would defeat the purpose of automation and would be tantamount to putting together two systems: manual and automated.
She also said the Poll Automation Law does not mention anything about having parallel manual counting.
De Villa, who also chairs the church-based poll watchdog Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting or PPCRV, said the recommendation for the creation of SBEIs is now awaiting Comelec’s approval.
She explained that fatigue had been a very big factor that had affected the accuracy of manual election system in past elections.
“But if we will have the SBEIs instead of the regular BEIs, the teachers will not be very tired and they would exhibit fresh look, fresh minds in conducting the random manual count,” De Villa said.
Last week, the Comelec decided to increase from one to five per legislative district the number of precincts to be subjected to the random audit.
A total of 1,145 clustered precincts will be subjected to random manual audit involving three BEI members. She said the involvement of 3,435 members of the SBEIs would be necessary.
www.philstar.com
A Vote of Confidence for Philippine Elections?
It's Sunday afternoon and campaigning for this year's Philippine presidential elections is in full swing. The smell of pork adobo wafts through the air, reminding supporters gathered in this plaza to greet one another with the ubiquitous Filipino welcome: "Have you eaten yet?" Above their clamor, campaign jingles battle for aural supremacy. It's no wonder that Philippine politics are often seen as one big party.
But this fiesta isn't in Manila. This is the Philippines election headquarters in Hong Kong, where nearly 100,000 Filipino overseas voters will be queuing to cast their early vote in what the nation hopes will be its first fully automated polls. In a bid to run a cleaner, fairer election on May 10, the Philippine Commission on Elections (Comelec) has taken on the ambitious goal of digitizing its manual electoral process. Massive voter registration and education drives have been undertaken, registering a record 50 million voters, and civil society and the local media are placing extra scrutiny on this year's electoral process. (See pictures of last year's volcanic eruption in the Philippines.)
Hong Kong stands as its first test. Comelec selected the territory, along with Singapore, for having the highest number of overseas voters — Hong Kong with over 95,000 and Singapore with nearly 32,000, the majority of which, in both countries, are working abroad as domestic workers. With no complete dry runs of the new automated system being held in the Philippines prior to election day, officials have been closely monitoring the territory since voting started on April 10 to see whether the system will fly or falter. (One official of the Philippine Consulate in Hong Kong acknowledged that they were effectively "guinea pigs.")
Notorious for its patronage politics, the Philippine political system has had a colorful electoral history rife with scandal. Most recently, incumbent President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has faced accusations of rigging the country's 2004 national elections in her favor. The issue of corruption is also central in the current presidential election, with some of its front-runners facing fraud allegations of their own. It comes as no surprise, then, that Transparency International ranked the Philippines 139th out of 180 countries in its 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index. Many Filipinos are looking to this election to unseat not only the unpopular Arroyo, but also the country's legacy of political duplicity. And some believe an automated election system will begin to shake an entrenched system of cheating and help the country move toward that goal. (See pictures of last year's politically motivated massacre in the Philippines.)
In the new system, instead of writing in candidates' names on the traditional ballots, voters will now fill in corresponding bubbles on new 25-inch scantrons; instead of dropping their completed ballots into yellow metal boxes, now voters run them through Precinct Optical Scan, or PCOS, machines that feed into secured 3-foot tall black boxes. The Comelec has contracted election technology firm Smartmatic — the company that also helped automate Venezuela's 2004 elections — to bring in some 76,000 of these PCOS machines (and an additional 6,000 back-up machines) to the archipelago. Overseas voters have been given a 30-day head start ahead of their countrymen in the Philippines, but Hong Kong also holds the distinction of being only one of two locations outside the Philippines with PCOS machines.
Statistically the overseas voting population is not expected to be a major battleground for votes — only 590,000 of nearly 9 million Filipinos abroad are registered to vote, making them only 1% of the total Philippine electorate. But it is an important testing ground for transparency. Daphne Ceniza-Kuok, a longtime advocate for overseas voters rights and a volunteer at Bayanihan Center, a Filipino community center in Hong Kong where the vote is being held, calls the absentee vote the "cleansing agent of the electoral process." She believes that the vices that plague traditional Philippine politics — such as vote-buying and ballot-tampering — are less likely to happen overseas, and even less so with the security measures put into place with automated voting.
Others don't see the early overseas voting period as a sufficient test for the new system. Organizations like Kontra Daya, a Manila-based election watchdog group whose name means "Against Cheating" in Tagalog, say the month-long early voting period gives Hong Kong and Singapore ample time to sort out any kinks in the system, but during the 11-hour voting period on May 10 in the Philippines, even a short stall, which has happened twice in Hong Kong, could effectively disenfranchise scores of voters.
And despite the ease of voting championed by officials, an information gap between Comelec and voters persists. Vilma Guevarra, a domestic helper who has been working in Hong Kong for the past 12 years, was unable to vote in this election. Unaware of an electoral rule that requires that she have voted in the two previous elections to remain a registered voter, she was turned away from the polls. "I'm sorry, that's just how it is," a consulate representative told her as she walked away from the help desk at the Bayanihan Center. Guevarra is one of roughly 150 voters in Hong Kong whose names have gone missing from voters' lists — for reasons varying from failure to comply with this rule to incorrect spelling of their names. Agnes Paz, a poll watcher from the party-list group, Gabriela Women's Party, recalls a voter's ballot being rejected from PCOS machines during the first weekend of voting for being improperly filled out.
Many are also concerned that fraud will continue to happen the good old-fashioned way, questioning how these machines will help clean up a system already steeped in corruption. Even former President Fidel V. Ramos contended that, despite its security features, the new automated system could still be manually overridden — much like the automated toilet system in his office, he half-jested. But Smartmatic Asia-Pacific President César Flores assures that even with all measures in place, it takes more than just technology to ensure a successful election. "There are things that the technology cannot control," he reminds voters. "It's vigilance and commitment and responsibility combined that will make the system work."
As far as Comelec and Smartmatic officials are concerned, Hong Kong has already been a success. With the exception of two PCOS machines malfunctioning during the first weekend of voting (officials attributed this to "inclement weather"), the new automated system in Hong Kong has not encountered any major setbacks. Comelec Commissioner Gregorio Larrazabal says that automation has sped up voting, reducing what once was a mind-numbing four-hour process with queues winding around the block to just ten minutes.
Back at the Bayanihan Center, Kuok rushes about the queues of voters, enthusiastically taking their photos. True to officials' words, there were no more than ten people in a given queue as voting was in full swing, and voters were whisked up to the polling areas upstairs within a few minutes of getting in line. Kuok's thumb is stained blue with indelible ink — an artifact of the old manual voting system retained for both security and symbolism — indicating that she had successfully cast her vote. "It's so heartwarming that people want to see this succeed," she says between snapshots, referring to the 100 volunteers who have signed up at the center to exercise their civic duty.
But these volunteers may have their work cut out for them. The past few Sundays have drawn over 2,000 voters each and, if history is any indicator, the next few weekends should also see a dramatic increase in voters. Consulate officials expect more than 7,000 voters for the last Sunday of voting — circumstances closer to the mad rush of Election Day in the Philippines, and perhaps a truer test of the system. And with May 10 looming, the Philippines will be keeping an eye on Hong Kong as a potential portent of what is to come.
www.time.com
But this fiesta isn't in Manila. This is the Philippines election headquarters in Hong Kong, where nearly 100,000 Filipino overseas voters will be queuing to cast their early vote in what the nation hopes will be its first fully automated polls. In a bid to run a cleaner, fairer election on May 10, the Philippine Commission on Elections (Comelec) has taken on the ambitious goal of digitizing its manual electoral process. Massive voter registration and education drives have been undertaken, registering a record 50 million voters, and civil society and the local media are placing extra scrutiny on this year's electoral process. (See pictures of last year's volcanic eruption in the Philippines.)
Hong Kong stands as its first test. Comelec selected the territory, along with Singapore, for having the highest number of overseas voters — Hong Kong with over 95,000 and Singapore with nearly 32,000, the majority of which, in both countries, are working abroad as domestic workers. With no complete dry runs of the new automated system being held in the Philippines prior to election day, officials have been closely monitoring the territory since voting started on April 10 to see whether the system will fly or falter. (One official of the Philippine Consulate in Hong Kong acknowledged that they were effectively "guinea pigs.")
Notorious for its patronage politics, the Philippine political system has had a colorful electoral history rife with scandal. Most recently, incumbent President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has faced accusations of rigging the country's 2004 national elections in her favor. The issue of corruption is also central in the current presidential election, with some of its front-runners facing fraud allegations of their own. It comes as no surprise, then, that Transparency International ranked the Philippines 139th out of 180 countries in its 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index. Many Filipinos are looking to this election to unseat not only the unpopular Arroyo, but also the country's legacy of political duplicity. And some believe an automated election system will begin to shake an entrenched system of cheating and help the country move toward that goal. (See pictures of last year's politically motivated massacre in the Philippines.)
In the new system, instead of writing in candidates' names on the traditional ballots, voters will now fill in corresponding bubbles on new 25-inch scantrons; instead of dropping their completed ballots into yellow metal boxes, now voters run them through Precinct Optical Scan, or PCOS, machines that feed into secured 3-foot tall black boxes. The Comelec has contracted election technology firm Smartmatic — the company that also helped automate Venezuela's 2004 elections — to bring in some 76,000 of these PCOS machines (and an additional 6,000 back-up machines) to the archipelago. Overseas voters have been given a 30-day head start ahead of their countrymen in the Philippines, but Hong Kong also holds the distinction of being only one of two locations outside the Philippines with PCOS machines.
Statistically the overseas voting population is not expected to be a major battleground for votes — only 590,000 of nearly 9 million Filipinos abroad are registered to vote, making them only 1% of the total Philippine electorate. But it is an important testing ground for transparency. Daphne Ceniza-Kuok, a longtime advocate for overseas voters rights and a volunteer at Bayanihan Center, a Filipino community center in Hong Kong where the vote is being held, calls the absentee vote the "cleansing agent of the electoral process." She believes that the vices that plague traditional Philippine politics — such as vote-buying and ballot-tampering — are less likely to happen overseas, and even less so with the security measures put into place with automated voting.
Others don't see the early overseas voting period as a sufficient test for the new system. Organizations like Kontra Daya, a Manila-based election watchdog group whose name means "Against Cheating" in Tagalog, say the month-long early voting period gives Hong Kong and Singapore ample time to sort out any kinks in the system, but during the 11-hour voting period on May 10 in the Philippines, even a short stall, which has happened twice in Hong Kong, could effectively disenfranchise scores of voters.
And despite the ease of voting championed by officials, an information gap between Comelec and voters persists. Vilma Guevarra, a domestic helper who has been working in Hong Kong for the past 12 years, was unable to vote in this election. Unaware of an electoral rule that requires that she have voted in the two previous elections to remain a registered voter, she was turned away from the polls. "I'm sorry, that's just how it is," a consulate representative told her as she walked away from the help desk at the Bayanihan Center. Guevarra is one of roughly 150 voters in Hong Kong whose names have gone missing from voters' lists — for reasons varying from failure to comply with this rule to incorrect spelling of their names. Agnes Paz, a poll watcher from the party-list group, Gabriela Women's Party, recalls a voter's ballot being rejected from PCOS machines during the first weekend of voting for being improperly filled out.
Many are also concerned that fraud will continue to happen the good old-fashioned way, questioning how these machines will help clean up a system already steeped in corruption. Even former President Fidel V. Ramos contended that, despite its security features, the new automated system could still be manually overridden — much like the automated toilet system in his office, he half-jested. But Smartmatic Asia-Pacific President César Flores assures that even with all measures in place, it takes more than just technology to ensure a successful election. "There are things that the technology cannot control," he reminds voters. "It's vigilance and commitment and responsibility combined that will make the system work."
As far as Comelec and Smartmatic officials are concerned, Hong Kong has already been a success. With the exception of two PCOS machines malfunctioning during the first weekend of voting (officials attributed this to "inclement weather"), the new automated system in Hong Kong has not encountered any major setbacks. Comelec Commissioner Gregorio Larrazabal says that automation has sped up voting, reducing what once was a mind-numbing four-hour process with queues winding around the block to just ten minutes.
Back at the Bayanihan Center, Kuok rushes about the queues of voters, enthusiastically taking their photos. True to officials' words, there were no more than ten people in a given queue as voting was in full swing, and voters were whisked up to the polling areas upstairs within a few minutes of getting in line. Kuok's thumb is stained blue with indelible ink — an artifact of the old manual voting system retained for both security and symbolism — indicating that she had successfully cast her vote. "It's so heartwarming that people want to see this succeed," she says between snapshots, referring to the 100 volunteers who have signed up at the center to exercise their civic duty.
But these volunteers may have their work cut out for them. The past few Sundays have drawn over 2,000 voters each and, if history is any indicator, the next few weekends should also see a dramatic increase in voters. Consulate officials expect more than 7,000 voters for the last Sunday of voting — circumstances closer to the mad rush of Election Day in the Philippines, and perhaps a truer test of the system. And with May 10 looming, the Philippines will be keeping an eye on Hong Kong as a potential portent of what is to come.
www.time.com
Wednesday, April 21, 2010
Ang Ladlad endorses Noynoy, Binay
MANILA, Philippines (UPDATED) - The "Ang Ladlad" party-list group formally launched on Wednesday "NOYBI 2010".
The group is supporting the tandem of Liberal Party standard-bearer Sen. Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III and Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) vice-presidential bet Makati City Mayor Jejomar "Jojo" Binay.
Ang Ladlad chair Danton Remoto referred to Aquino as the "Mr. Clean of Philippine politics," while Binay is regarded as the "dark horse" in 2010 who, they said, will pull a surprise in the May 10 polls.
Many were surprised by the group's decision since they've been known to be allies of the Liberal Party.
Remoto was a consultant of LP vice presidential bet Sen. Mar Roxas for two years.
Remoto harbors no ill feelings against the senator, but expressed that some people in Roxas' campaign team failed to make good their promise to help Ang Ladlad with their campaign funds for the party-list elections.
"They are slow like turtles," Remoto said, which is why they opted to support Binay, Roxas' rival candidate, who had agreed to help them financially.
For better or worse
LP campaign manager Butch Abad clarified that they did not promise anything to the Ang Ladlad.
He said that they would not want a quid pro quo, but instead prefer to help each other for better or worse.
"Mas maigi kung magkaka-tulungan. Ayaw din namin ng quid pro quo. Maganda kung magkasama tayo sa hirap at ginhawa," Abad said.
Just the same, Abad thanked the group for endorsing Aquino. He had hoped that the group would carry the entire LP slate.
The NOYBI launch may just be another reason to cause further tension between Senators Francis Escudero and Roxas.
Remoto confirmed they will support whoever Escudero will endorse. Escudero had earlier expressed his support for Aquino and Binay for president and vice-president, respectively.
Binay's new ad
Yesterday, ABS-CBN got a copy of a political ad conceptualized and produced by Escudero himself and Bibeth Orteza, endorsing Binay as Escudero's vice-presidential bet.
Escudero introduced Binay as someone who came from a poor family, not an "ilustrado," and a genuine member of the opposition.
Sources said Binay's new ad will be shown a few days after Escudero's political ad endorsing Aquino hits the airwaves. This early, Escudero and Roxas are viewed to be the top contenders for the presidency in 2016.
The LP camp, meantime, is undaunted by Escudero's endorsement of Binay.
Abad earlier said that Sen. Roxas is secure in his standing, being the front-runner in the vice-presidential race.
Ang Ladlad is the national organization of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender Filipinos.
-www.abs-cbnnews.com
The group is supporting the tandem of Liberal Party standard-bearer Sen. Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III and Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) vice-presidential bet Makati City Mayor Jejomar "Jojo" Binay.
Ang Ladlad chair Danton Remoto referred to Aquino as the "Mr. Clean of Philippine politics," while Binay is regarded as the "dark horse" in 2010 who, they said, will pull a surprise in the May 10 polls.
Many were surprised by the group's decision since they've been known to be allies of the Liberal Party.
Remoto was a consultant of LP vice presidential bet Sen. Mar Roxas for two years.
Remoto harbors no ill feelings against the senator, but expressed that some people in Roxas' campaign team failed to make good their promise to help Ang Ladlad with their campaign funds for the party-list elections.
"They are slow like turtles," Remoto said, which is why they opted to support Binay, Roxas' rival candidate, who had agreed to help them financially.
For better or worse
LP campaign manager Butch Abad clarified that they did not promise anything to the Ang Ladlad.
He said that they would not want a quid pro quo, but instead prefer to help each other for better or worse.
"Mas maigi kung magkaka-tulungan. Ayaw din namin ng quid pro quo. Maganda kung magkasama tayo sa hirap at ginhawa," Abad said.
Just the same, Abad thanked the group for endorsing Aquino. He had hoped that the group would carry the entire LP slate.
The NOYBI launch may just be another reason to cause further tension between Senators Francis Escudero and Roxas.
Remoto confirmed they will support whoever Escudero will endorse. Escudero had earlier expressed his support for Aquino and Binay for president and vice-president, respectively.
Binay's new ad
Yesterday, ABS-CBN got a copy of a political ad conceptualized and produced by Escudero himself and Bibeth Orteza, endorsing Binay as Escudero's vice-presidential bet.
Escudero introduced Binay as someone who came from a poor family, not an "ilustrado," and a genuine member of the opposition.
Sources said Binay's new ad will be shown a few days after Escudero's political ad endorsing Aquino hits the airwaves. This early, Escudero and Roxas are viewed to be the top contenders for the presidency in 2016.
The LP camp, meantime, is undaunted by Escudero's endorsement of Binay.
Abad earlier said that Sen. Roxas is secure in his standing, being the front-runner in the vice-presidential race.
Ang Ladlad is the national organization of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender Filipinos.
-www.abs-cbnnews.com
Tuesday, April 6, 2010
Senator Aquino Widens Lead In Philippine Presidential Survey
MANILA -(Dow Jones)- Senator Benigno Simeon Aquino III, son of Philippine democracy icon Corazon Aquino, widened his lead in the latest presidential preference survey, helped by a steep fall in the ratings of his closest rival, Senator Manuel Villar.
Private pollster Pulse Asia said Tuesday that its latest survey, conducted between March 21 to 28, showed Aquino as the preferred candidate of 37% of the 3,000 respondents nationwide, up from the 36% he garnered during the February survey.
In contrast, Villar dropped to 25% in March from 29% in February, a significant decline given the survey's margin of error is plus or minus 2%.
Former President Joseph Estrada and former Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro, the standard-bearer of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's administration party, secured in March 18% and 7%, respectively, unchanged from February.
With just over a month before the May 10 presidential elections, the proportion of undecided voters remains significant and even increased to 9% in the March survey from 6% in February.
Aquino's running mate, Senator Manuel Roxas II, also continued to lead in the vice presidential survey, with 43% of the respondents favoring him.
Senator Loren Legarda, Villar's running mate, garnered 23% while Makati City Mayor Jejomar Binay, Estrada's vice presidential candidate, was third, with 19%.
The latest Pulse Asia survey was conducted as candidates for local positions-- congressmen, provincial governors, town and city mayors and councilors--started their own campaigns. Local candidates could help swing votes for their allies.
www.nasdaq.com
Private pollster Pulse Asia said Tuesday that its latest survey, conducted between March 21 to 28, showed Aquino as the preferred candidate of 37% of the 3,000 respondents nationwide, up from the 36% he garnered during the February survey.
In contrast, Villar dropped to 25% in March from 29% in February, a significant decline given the survey's margin of error is plus or minus 2%.
Former President Joseph Estrada and former Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro, the standard-bearer of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's administration party, secured in March 18% and 7%, respectively, unchanged from February.
With just over a month before the May 10 presidential elections, the proportion of undecided voters remains significant and even increased to 9% in the March survey from 6% in February.
Aquino's running mate, Senator Manuel Roxas II, also continued to lead in the vice presidential survey, with 43% of the respondents favoring him.
Senator Loren Legarda, Villar's running mate, garnered 23% while Makati City Mayor Jejomar Binay, Estrada's vice presidential candidate, was third, with 19%.
The latest Pulse Asia survey was conducted as candidates for local positions-- congressmen, provincial governors, town and city mayors and councilors--started their own campaigns. Local candidates could help swing votes for their allies.
www.nasdaq.com
Monday, April 5, 2010
Local Polls Reflect the True State of Philippine Elections
MANILA - The campaign for local posts has just begun. And the fanfare surrounding the presidential and senatorial campaigns are nothing compared to that of local campaigns. Even before the local campaign period had officially begun on March 26, every secondary and side street is already full of campaign posters, banners, and banderitas (small banners tied across streets) not only of candidates for national posts but also that of local candidates, minus the position they are running for. With the start of the local campaign period, walls and posts in secondary and side streets would surely thicken with all these campaign paraphernalia, with that of one candidate pasted over another's over and over again. But beneath the clutter lies the violent nature of local elections.
Local elections are historically fought out with the use of guns, goons, and gold. Thus, the discovery not only of powerful weapons but election paraphernalia as well during raids at the residences of the Ampatuan clan, during the aftermath of the Maguindanao massacre, is not unexpected. In fact, the Maguindanao massacre itself is not surprising nor is it an isolated event. It just raised the ante in terms of the level of violence that is to be expected in the coming elections. Killings of local candidates and their ward leaders have already begun all over the country. And this is expected to escalate with the start of the official local campaign period.
After the Maguindanao massacre, Malacañang made a show of moving to dismantle private armies by creating a commission headed by retired Justice Monina Arevalo-Zeñarosa. But even the commission and the Philippine National Police admit that, a little over a month before the May 2010 elections, they have hardly made a dent in dismantling private armies.
Why?
Because the so-called private armies are not so private after all. First, every powerful political cum landlord clan has one. It is regularly used to suppress attempts by landless peasants to claim the land they till. These even include members of the local police, as the Maguindanao massacre has shown.
And these "private armies" are not only condoned but even supported by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). The Arroyo government and the AFP admitted that the so-called private army of the Ampatuan clan that carried out the massacre of 57 journalists, relatives of the rival Mangungudatu clan, and other civilians are units of the Civilian Volunteer Organization (CVO). The government also admitted that the high-powered weapons discovered in the cache of the Ampatuan clan have markings of the AFP.
Training and arming CVOs, which are actually the private armies of powerful landlord/political clans, are part of the counterinsurgency strategy of the Arroyo government. These are used to augment the AFP in counterinsurgency operations and are supposed to "hold and secure" communities after major military operations. They are, in turn, fed and financed by landlord/political clans.
It is also used to harass critics and opponents of the national government and the political/landlord clan in power, as, again, what was shown by the Maguindanao massacre. It is perhaps the privilege of having his own army armed, trained, and officially recognized by the government, which is essential to keeping power in the locality, that motivates the Mangungudatu clan to remain within the ruling party.
Another motivation for the party in power in supporting private armies of dominant political/landlord clans in the localities is its own need to keep itself in power. National elections do not determine the results of local elections. It is the other way around. Local elections determine the results of national elections. What motivates local politicians to support a candidate for president is not party loyalty, but rather, who could enhance their chances of victory.
Why are local elections so hotly contested? Victory in local elections provides the political/landlord clan the opportunity to expand its landholdings by taking control over the local government unit, which determines the classification of lands and is the repository of land titles. It enables the clan to corner local government contracts. And it is in the locality where real political power resides because there is actual control over a segment of the population. This control of a segment of the population is what the Arroyo government is counting on to propel Gilbert Teodoro to power.
As more candidates contest local positions, the more violent local elections become. While personality politics shows the triviality of national elections, warlord politics reveals the violent character of local elections. And no amount of vague calls and covenants for peaceful and fair elections would put a stop to these. Only an organized citizenry wielding its political power could change the nature of Philippine politics and elections.
source: www.voxbikol.com
Local elections are historically fought out with the use of guns, goons, and gold. Thus, the discovery not only of powerful weapons but election paraphernalia as well during raids at the residences of the Ampatuan clan, during the aftermath of the Maguindanao massacre, is not unexpected. In fact, the Maguindanao massacre itself is not surprising nor is it an isolated event. It just raised the ante in terms of the level of violence that is to be expected in the coming elections. Killings of local candidates and their ward leaders have already begun all over the country. And this is expected to escalate with the start of the official local campaign period.
After the Maguindanao massacre, Malacañang made a show of moving to dismantle private armies by creating a commission headed by retired Justice Monina Arevalo-Zeñarosa. But even the commission and the Philippine National Police admit that, a little over a month before the May 2010 elections, they have hardly made a dent in dismantling private armies.
Why?
Because the so-called private armies are not so private after all. First, every powerful political cum landlord clan has one. It is regularly used to suppress attempts by landless peasants to claim the land they till. These even include members of the local police, as the Maguindanao massacre has shown.
And these "private armies" are not only condoned but even supported by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). The Arroyo government and the AFP admitted that the so-called private army of the Ampatuan clan that carried out the massacre of 57 journalists, relatives of the rival Mangungudatu clan, and other civilians are units of the Civilian Volunteer Organization (CVO). The government also admitted that the high-powered weapons discovered in the cache of the Ampatuan clan have markings of the AFP.
Training and arming CVOs, which are actually the private armies of powerful landlord/political clans, are part of the counterinsurgency strategy of the Arroyo government. These are used to augment the AFP in counterinsurgency operations and are supposed to "hold and secure" communities after major military operations. They are, in turn, fed and financed by landlord/political clans.
It is also used to harass critics and opponents of the national government and the political/landlord clan in power, as, again, what was shown by the Maguindanao massacre. It is perhaps the privilege of having his own army armed, trained, and officially recognized by the government, which is essential to keeping power in the locality, that motivates the Mangungudatu clan to remain within the ruling party.
Another motivation for the party in power in supporting private armies of dominant political/landlord clans in the localities is its own need to keep itself in power. National elections do not determine the results of local elections. It is the other way around. Local elections determine the results of national elections. What motivates local politicians to support a candidate for president is not party loyalty, but rather, who could enhance their chances of victory.
Why are local elections so hotly contested? Victory in local elections provides the political/landlord clan the opportunity to expand its landholdings by taking control over the local government unit, which determines the classification of lands and is the repository of land titles. It enables the clan to corner local government contracts. And it is in the locality where real political power resides because there is actual control over a segment of the population. This control of a segment of the population is what the Arroyo government is counting on to propel Gilbert Teodoro to power.
As more candidates contest local positions, the more violent local elections become. While personality politics shows the triviality of national elections, warlord politics reveals the violent character of local elections. And no amount of vague calls and covenants for peaceful and fair elections would put a stop to these. Only an organized citizenry wielding its political power could change the nature of Philippine politics and elections.
source: www.voxbikol.com
PNP chief to meet with local police chiefs on polls
MANILA, Philippines – (UPDATE 2) Philippine National Police Director General Jesus Verzosa is set to meet with the 1,634 local police chiefs in the country this week to issue reminders on the duty of all PNP personnel in the coming Philippine Presidential Elections.
At the same time, Verzosa said his office will be distributing copies of the 10-policy guidelines on the role of the PNP in the coming elections during the meeting.
On Wednesday, Verzosa is set to meet all the chiefs of police in Luzon, while he will be meeting with the chiefs of police in Visayas on Thursday and the chiefs of police in Mindanao on Friday.
“This [meeting] is to inform them of their duties and coordinate with the Commission on Elections during the elections,” Verzosa told reporters.
“We have to do our best in providing security not only to the candidates but also to the public,” Verzosa added.
The 10-policy guidelines, dubbed “Ang 10 Utos Para Sa Halalan 2010,” will be distributed to all police stations starting April 7. It prohibits all PNP personnel from supporting a candidate during the election season.
“This (guideline) will be our norm of conduct for the elections. We will just remind them (police chiefs) that policemen should stay non-partisan,” Verzosa maintained.
The 10-policy guidelines include:
“Honor your badge and use your authority to ensure honest, orderly and peaceful elections;”
“Respect and protect the sanctity of your vote and the vote of others;” and,
“Be content and support whoever gets the mandate of the people.”
source: newsinfo.inquirer.net
At the same time, Verzosa said his office will be distributing copies of the 10-policy guidelines on the role of the PNP in the coming elections during the meeting.
On Wednesday, Verzosa is set to meet all the chiefs of police in Luzon, while he will be meeting with the chiefs of police in Visayas on Thursday and the chiefs of police in Mindanao on Friday.
“This [meeting] is to inform them of their duties and coordinate with the Commission on Elections during the elections,” Verzosa told reporters.
“We have to do our best in providing security not only to the candidates but also to the public,” Verzosa added.
The 10-policy guidelines, dubbed “Ang 10 Utos Para Sa Halalan 2010,” will be distributed to all police stations starting April 7. It prohibits all PNP personnel from supporting a candidate during the election season.
“This (guideline) will be our norm of conduct for the elections. We will just remind them (police chiefs) that policemen should stay non-partisan,” Verzosa maintained.
The 10-policy guidelines include:
“Honor your badge and use your authority to ensure honest, orderly and peaceful elections;”
“Respect and protect the sanctity of your vote and the vote of others;” and,
“Be content and support whoever gets the mandate of the people.”
source: newsinfo.inquirer.net
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